Sometime in the third week of july, India will elect its 13th prestdent. The votes will be cast on behalf of the people by their elected representatives-an electoral college that consists of members of Parliament in the lok sabha and Rajya sabha and members of legislative assembly of each of india’s 30 states. Therace is particularly interesting time around because the ruling coalition, unudually does not have a majority in the electoral college. The congress and its allies have just over 40 per cent of the votes. The leading opposition alliance the nda, has around 30 per cent of the votes. The potential kingmarkers lie among the powerful regional parties like the sp, bsp andcp(m), which are aligned neither with the upa nor nda. Given the arthimetivc, congress will find it very difficult to elect a person of its choice unilaterally. Even allies like the trinamool congress, ncp and dmk may not play ball. That rules out a pratibha patil type of candidate this time around. That is good for india. Patil was an obscure politician who had far too many skeletons in her cupboard to deservedly occupy india’s highest office of state. Her only qualification was that she was faultlessly obsequious to the congress’s first family. The presidency reached a nadir after her election. It needs a renewal. The president of india is mostly, but not entirely a titular office. The president is always bound by the advice of the prime minister. It needs a person of stature to occupy it. India’s first three presidents, rajendra Prasad, s. radhakrishnan and zakir hussain were scholars and freedom fighters. They had the moral authority to take stands on issues thar were at variance with the government of the day. Prasad, for example, clashed with Nehru often on various matter of policy, incuding the hindu civil code bill. A good president must be able to retain some independence of opinion and be seen to be above partisan politics.
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